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Group voting tickets (also known as "above the line" voting) are a way to simplify preferential voting, usually in an election held under the single transferable vote or the alternative vote system. Ranking each candidate individually is called "below the line" voting. Voters can choose to vote for a ticket by placing the number '1' in one of the ticket boxes or can vote for individual candidates by numbering all the boxes in that section. Ticket votes are distributed according to the party or group voting ticket registered before the election with the election management body. In some elections, voters can express an order of preferences among different tickets by voting '1', '2' and so on in different ticket boxes. Group voting tickets are used in the Australian Senate and the upper houses of the Australian state parliaments of South Australia, Victoria and Western Australia. They are also used for some elections in Fiji. They were originally introduced to reduce the growing proportion of voters who cast invalid votes, as a single mark is all that is needed to cast a valid vote. In Australia, this reduced the rate of informal voting in the Senate from around nine percent previous to 1984, to around three percent during the time of group voting tickets. In Australian elections for the upper houses which use proportional representation as well as preferential voting, it may be daunting to have to fill in 70 boxes—preferences are compulsory in Senate, South Australian and Western Australian elections. Some voters would choose their early preferences and then vote for other candidates in the order they appeared on the ballot paper—known as a ''donkey vote''; or fill in the form incorrectly, leading to an informal vote. To ease this task, above the line voting allows the voter to choose one party or group, and all the remaining squares are deemed to be filled in according to a registered party ticket. About 95% of voters choose to use this method. This leads to pre-election trading between parties on how each party will allocate later preferences to other parties and candidates. "Above the line" voting has been criticised as electors not knowing, and having no practical way of finding out, where their preferences are being directed. All details are published in advance, both electronically and in a free booklet published by the Australian Electoral Commission or the appropriate State electoral commission. The booklets may be viewed at polling booths on request to the poll officials. However, such is the complexity of the information that it is unlikely that the average voter could easily determine the fate of his or her vote's preferences particularly, as some parties submit multiple allocations (e.g., 33% to one party, 66% to another, and so on), and the effects are integrally wound up in preference deals between other parties. ==Tactical voting== Using GVTs, the potential for tactical voting by parties is greatly increased. Because voters are not usually aware of how a party's preferences are directed, GVTs have allowed minor parties with low support in the community to be elected almost exclusively on the preferences of other parties, for example, where small parties with very different views have agreed to exchange preferences, or where larger parties have sought to minimise votes for opponents with similar views. A notable case came in the New South Wales Legislative Council election of 1999, when the Outdoor Recreation Party's Malcolm Jones was elected with a primary vote of 0.19%,〔Antony Green (2009-06-16). (Antony Green's Election Blog: NSW Legislative Council and its new electoral system ). Retrieved on 2009-09-12.〕 or 0.042 of a quota. GVTs came under scrutiny at the 2013 Australian election for multiple candidates getting provisionally elected with the vast majority of the 14.3 percent quota being filled from preferences, with "preference whisperer" Glenn Druery's Minor Party Alliance organising tight cross-preferencing between minor parties.〔(Bitter dispute erupts over Senate preferences in Queensland: ABC 5 September 2013 )〕〔(Glen Druery - the 'preference whisperer': ABC 21 August 2013 )〕〔('Preference whisperer' defends role in minor parties’ Senate success: The Guardian 13 September 2013 )〕 Motoring's Ricky Muir won a senate seat on a record-low primary vote of 0.5 percent in Victoria〔(Victorian 2013 Senate results and preference flows: ABC )〕〔(Motoring Enthusiasts Party member Ricky Muir wins Senate seat: ABC 1 October 2013 )〕 (previous record held by Family First's Steve Fielding in 2004 on 1.9 percent in Victoria).〔(A ballot crammed with choice: SMH Tim Colebatch 5 August 2013 )〕 The Sports Party's Wayne Dropulich was on track for a period of time to win a Senate seat from 0.2 percent in Western Australia, coming 21st out of 28 groups.〔(Western Australia 2013 Senate results and preference flows: ABC )〕〔(The Preference Deals behind the Strange Election of Ricky Muir and Wayne Dropulich: Antony Green ABC 13 September 2013 )〕〔(Australian Sports Party 'pleasantly surprised' by potential Senate seat: ABC 9 September 2013 )〕 Family First's Bob Day won a seat on a primary vote of 3.8 percent in South Australia,〔〔(South Australia 2013 Senate results and preference flows: ABC )〕 and the DLP's John Madigan won his seat in 2010 on a primary vote of 2.3 percent in Victoria.〔(Single-issue groups set to take balance of power: Canberra Times 9 September 2013 )〕 Xenophon and larger parties including the incoming government are looking at changes to the GVT system.〔(Coalition shy of Senate majority: Business Spectator 9 September 2013 )〕〔(Tony Abbott fires a warning shot at micro parties in the Senate: WA Today 9 September 2013 )〕〔(Xenophon wants voting reform: NineMSN 9 September 2013 )〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Group voting ticket」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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